Wednesday, November 27, 2019

Butterfly Houses in the US

Butterfly Houses in the US Butterfly houses offer enthusiasts of all ages the opportunity to observe a variety of species in an indoor exhibit. Most butterfly houses mimic tropical environments​ and showcase tropical species from Asia, South America, Australia, and other warm, humid locations. A few butterfly houses listed here feature species native to North America. Usually, youll see some showy moths, such as luna moths or Atlas moths, perched on foliage as well.​ Before you visit a butterfly house, it might increase your enjoyment to learn a little about the lepidopteran, or butterfly, including tips for observing and photographing butterflies, the differences between butterflies and moths, and why butterflies drink from puddles, a behavior you will likely observe in a butterfly exhibit. Most butterfly houses have an area where you can see new adult butterflies emerge from their pupae, and some display larval food plants as well. Some butterfly houses listed here are seasonal, meaning they are open for only a part of the year. Be sure to call before you visit to be sure the butterflies are on display. This is a list of enclosed butterfly houses, not outdoor butterfly gardens. Alabama Huntsville Botanical Garden4747 Bob Wallace Ave.Huntsville, Alabama 35805(256)-830-4447 Seasonal. Call before you visit. California Natural History Museum of Los Angeles CountyButterfly Pavilion900 Exposition Blvd. Los Angeles, California 90007(213) 763-DINO Seasonal. Call before you visit. San Diego Zoo Safari ParkHidden Jungle15500 San Pasqual Valley RoadEscondido, California 92027(760) 747-8702 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Six Flags Discovery Kingdom1001 Fairgrounds DriveVallejo, California 94589(707) 643-6722 Year-round Colorado Butterfly Pavilion6252 W. 104th Ave.Westminster, CO 80020(303) 469-5441 Year-round Delaware Delaware Nature SocietyBarley Mill RoadHockessin, Delaware 19707(302) 239-2334 Seasonal. Call before you visit. District of Columbia Smithsonian National Museum of Natural HistoryButterfly Pavilion10th Street and Constitution Ave., NWWashington, D.C. 20560(202) 633-1000 Year-round National ZooPollinarium3001 Connecticut Ave., NWWashington, DC 20008(202) 633-4888 Year-round Florida Butterfly World3600 W. Sample RoadCoconut Creek, Florida 33073(954) 977-4400 Year-round Butterfly RainforestFlorida Museum of Natural HistoryUniversity of FloridaSW 34th Street and Hull RoadGainesville, Florida 32611(352) 846-2000 Year-round Key West Butterfly and Nature Conservatory1316 Duval St.Key West, Florida 33040(800) 839-4647 Year-round Panhandle Butterfly House8581 Navarre ParkwayNavarre, Florida 32566(850) 623-3868 Seasonal. Call before you visit. BioWorks Butterfly GardenMuseum of Science and Industry (MOSI)4801 E. Fowler Ave.Tampa, Florida 33617(800) 995-MOSI Year-round Georgia Callaway GardensCecil B. Day Butterfly Center5887 Georgia Highway 354Pine Mountain, Georgia 31822(800) CALLAWAY Seasonal. Call before you visit. Illinois Brookfield ZooChicago Zoological Society 8400 31st St.Brookfield, Illinois 60513(708) 688-8000 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Chicago Academy of SciencesThe Peggy Notebaert Nature MuseumJudy Istock Butterfly Haven2430 N. Cannon DriveChicago, Illinois 60614(773) 755-5100 Year-round Peck Farm Butterfly House4038 Kaneville RoadGeneva, Illinois 60134(630) 262-8244 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Iowa Reiman GardensIowa State University1407 University Blvd.Ames, Iowa 50011(515) 294-2710 Year-round Kansas Butterfly/Pansy House701 Amidon StWichita, Kansas 67203(316) 264-0448 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Louisiana Audubon InsectariumButterflies in Flight6500 Magazine St.New Orleans, Louisiana 70118(800) 774-7394 Year-round Maryland Brookside Gardens South ConservatoryWings of Fancy Butterfly Exhibit1500 Glenallan Ave.Wheaton, Maryland 20902(301) 962-1453 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Michigan Detroit ZooWoodward Avenue and 10 Mile Road (I-696)Royal Oak, Michigan 48067(248) 541-5717 Year-round Original Mackinac Island Butterfly HouseMcGulpin StreetMackinac Island, Michigan 49757(906) 847-3972 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Wings of MackinacSurrey Hills Carriage MuseumMackinac Island, Michigan 49757(906) 847-9464 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Dow Gardens1809 Eastman Ave.Midland, Michigan 48640(800) 362-4874 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Frederik Meijer Gardens Sculpture ParkLena Meijer Tropical Conservatory1000 E. Beltline, NEGrand Rapids, Michigan 49525(888) 957-1580 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Missouri Sophie M. Sachs Butterfly HouseFaust Park15193 Olive Blvd.Chesterfield, Missouri 63017(636) 530-0076​ Year-round New Jersey Camden Childrens Garden Philadelphia Eagles Four Season Butterfly House 3 Riverside DriveCamden, New Jersey 08103(856)-365-8733 Year-round Stony Brook Millstone Watershed AssociationKate Gorrie Butterfly House31 Titus Mill RoadPennington New Jersey 08534(609) 737-3735 Seasonal. Call before you visit. New York American Museum of Natural HistoryButterfly ConservatoryCentral Park West at 79th StreetNew York, New York 10024(212) 769-5100 Seasonal. Call before you visit. National Museum of PlayOne Manhattan SquareRochester, New York 14607(585) 263-2700 Year-round Sweetbriar Nature Center62 Eckernkamp DriveSmithtown, New York 11787(631) 949-6344 Seasonal. Call before you visit. North Carolina North Carolina Museum of Life Science433 Murray AveDurham, North Carolina 27704(919) 220-5429 Year-round North Carolina Museum of Natural SciencesLiving Conservatory 11 W. Jones St.Raleigh, North Carolina 27601(919) 733-7450 Year-round Ohio Krohn Conservatory1501 Eden Park DriveCincinnati, Ohio 45202(513) 421-4086 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Cox Arboretum Metro Park 6733 Springboro PikeDayton, Ohio 45449(937) 434-9005 Seasonal. Call before you visit. The Butterfly House Obee RoadWhitehouse, Ohio 43571(419) 877-2733 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Pennsylvania Academy of Natural SciencesDrexel University1900 Benjamin Franklin ParkwayPhiladelphia, Pennsylvania 19103(215) 299-1000 Year-round Hershey Gardens170 Hotel RoadHershey, Pennsylvania 17033(717) 534-3492 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Phipps ConservatoryOne Schenley ParkPittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15213(412) 441-4442 Seasonal. Call before you visit. South Carolina Cypress Gardens3030 Cypress Gardens RoadMoncks Corner, South Carolina 29461(843) 553-0515 Year-round South Dakota Sertoma Butterfly House4320 Oxbow Ave.Sioux Falls, South Dakota 57106(605) 334-9466 Year-round Tennessee Tennessee AquariumOne Broad St.Chattanooga, Tennessee 37402(800) 262-0695 Year-round Texas Moody Gardens1 Hope Blvd.Galveston, Texas 77554(800) 582-4673 Year-round The Houston Museum of Natural ScienceCockrell Butterfly Center5555 Hermann Park DriveHouston, Texas 77030(713) 639-4629 Year-round San Antonio ZooCaterpillar Flight School3903 N. St. Marys St.San Antonio, Texas 78212(210) 734-7184 Seasonal. Call before you visit. Texas Discovery GardensRosine Smith Sammons Butterfly House Insectarium3601 Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd.Gate 6 at Fair ParkDallas, Texas 75210(214) 428-7476 Year-round Wisconsin Beaver Creek ReserveS1 County Highway KFall Creek, Wisconsin 54742(715) 877-2212 Seasonal. Call before you visit.

Saturday, November 23, 2019

Dragon ball z essays

Dragon ball z essays The characters that are drived from fiction and imagination consist of many different forms of character traits. They can have characteristics of courage, cleverness, strength, power, loyalty and other characteristics that make up him or her as a super hero, but the characteristics that he or she possesses will make him look masculine or feminine. The character I will be describing is Goku, a main character from a great cartoon Dragon Ball. Like Superman, he is from another planet sent by his father to Earth because his planet Vegita was destroyed. Goku is different from the people on Earth because he has extraordinary powers like Superman. He can fly, move mountains, run at a blitzing speed and has many other powers that puts him in a different class from the people on Earth. The characteristics that he embodies are undeniably a man's feature which he uses to save people's lives and use for the good of the people. The hero, Goku, is a seemingly invincible person with all the extraordinary traits required of a character of a male hero. He is able to use his super-human physical strength and courage to put his people before himself. He encounters hideous monsters and the most ferocious of beasts but he never fears the threat of death. His leadership skills are superb and he is even able to boast about all his achievements. He has little or no emotions that puts his work in the line of danger. His priority is always to save people and his friends. These characteristics of strength, courage, and loyalty are all characteristics that classifies him as masculine. ...

Thursday, November 21, 2019

The Eight and the Ashcan School Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4250 words

The Eight and the Ashcan School - Essay Example It is not only that commercial and residential boundaries of New York changed but perceptions and public views were undergoing rapid changes. It was a favorable milieu for the formation of popular culture. New York was growing in size, its population was diversifying. Many ethnic groups mixed together contributing to creation of new forms of artist expression, reflecting changing social relationships. The early 20th century witnessed a radical change in American painting. This was not a change in attitude toward painting but in attitude toward life. It was a journalist's revolution originating from Philadelphia. New York City with financial growth explosion, office work for women and the sweatshops for immigrants – all these conditions brought young newspaper illustrators to develop their careers as fine artists in New York getting away from the conservative, static art establishment of Philadelphia. The rapidly changing scenes of New York as it is were captured by artists who are better known as "the Eight": Robert Henri, Arthur B. Davies, Maurice Prendergast, Ernest Lawson, William Glackens, Everett Shinn, John Sloan, and George Luks. â€Å"These artists framed a contemporary realism that explored the drama, humor and exoticism of life in the turbulent metropolis.† â€Å"The Ashcan school† which united "the Eight" and a number of other artists took roots in Philadelphia under the leadership of Henri. In Philadelphia, Henri's rebellious nature made him "a catalyst, an enthusiast ...".

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Reading Adam Smith in the 21st Century Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Reading Adam Smith in the 21st Century - Essay Example Adam Smith was born in 1723 in a village called Kirkcaldy in Scotland. His family was influential; his father the elder Adam Smith held several important positions at the time of his death in 1723. At the age of fourteen Smith entered Glasgow College where his teachers included among other famous men, the great Frances Hutcheson. Smith was to discover and foster his talents and abilities in this college. John Rae (1895) in his biography of Smith titled The Life of Adam Smith stated that it was Hutcheson and later Hume who seem to have had the most influence on Smith. Hutcheson was an engaging and powerful speaker who animated Smith's mind. Hutcheson was one of a new breed of philosophers who were perceived to be radical in their thoughts and beliefs by the theological conservatives. In fact Rae credited Hutcheson with the development of Smith's ideas on natural liberty, the value of labor as the source of wealth etc. Soon after on a Snell scholarship Smith left for Oxford in 1740. In a strong contrast to Glasgow, the atmosphere at Oxford was lax and lackadaisical. Smith found that Oxford, being wealthy through endowments had become inept as a result. Lecturers had no incentive to perform and the students were pretty much left to themselves to learn on their own. However in the six years he spent there he kept himself busy mainly by reading the ancient Greek and Latin classics. After graduating, Smith went back to Scotland. In 1750 he was appointed Professor of Logic at Glasgow College and a short while later shifted to the Chair of Moral Philosophy. It was while he was Professor of Moral Philosophy at Glasgow College that he wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments in 1759, the book that he himself considered to be his finest accomplishment. The Theory of Moral Sentiments grounds sympathy as the basis of social relationships and in the larger sense of society itself. The book is believed to share Smith's own belief in Stoicism as well as the influence of Hutcheson. The Theory of Moral Sentiments demonstrates that Stoicism was an important part of the mental make-up of Smith. Smith basically combined the stoic precept of self command with the Christian idea of benevolence. Much like the Stoics, Smith too prefigured the social bond among humans in terms of "sympathy" while the Stoic idea of world citizenship and self-command portend the role of Smith's impartial spectator (p.10). The Theory of Moral Sentiments tries to understand the function of moral behavior in society. Smith departed from Hutcheson and other philosophers in that tradition like Shaftesbury and Hume by defining motive as an essential element of moral behavior. Hutcheson had rejected that motive had anything to do with morality and instead claimed that man possessed a certain innate sense that propelled him to be moral. Smith makes motive an integral part of moral behavior arguing that people often look to the motives of a benefactor before bestowing their approval of a beneficent action. An act of kindness performed unknowingly without the motive to do good to anyone does not bring the same admiration and esteem that result when it is deemed that the action was performed with the knowledge that it would

Sunday, November 17, 2019

The framing of the church settlement of 1559 Essay Example for Free

The framing of the church settlement of 1559 Essay Elizabeth faced numerous obstacles following her accession as Queen of England, but the main sector of concern was the religious aspect of society. England was at war against the France, as they sided with the Spanish, and also the Parliament was a key constituent of Elizabethan religious settlement. The Parliament was a hindrance to Elizabeth’s progress as many of the Parliament members were religious conservatives, which implied difficulty when presenting and passing the bill to the House of Commons. Presenting the bill to the House of Lords would prove toughest to Elizabeth and her ministers. It cannot be denied that her personal preference and her Counsel’s decisions respectively played a large role in making sure the bill was passed, although it must be acknowledged that she and her councilors had to compromise to achieve their main religious aims. Susan Doran believes that Queen Elizabeth had successfully fulfilled her goal in terms of religious settlement, while her councilors thought the general outcome fell short of her primary plans. The complicated international affairs that England was stuck in after Mary’s reign put Elizabeth in a troublesome position. As Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London, proposed, plans for religious settlement were heavily delayed to the desperate search for peace. Elizabeth had to deviate from her main plans for religious settlement has she had to be involved in he ongoing war against Spain, which England had entered in 1557, later into Mary’s reign. Furthermore, to make matters worse, she had to prevent any potential threat to the throne from Mary Stuart, who was in alliance with France. In order to prevent Catholic nations from turning against England and to avoid any large-scale domestic uprising amongst English Catholics, Elizabeth was keen on not infuriating Catholics. She pursued this plan by retaining certain aspects of the traditional Catholic Church. On the other hand, she still showed signs of Protestant settlement, as she had recalled her papal ambassador and had formed alliance with strongly Protestant German princes. The Peace of Cateau-Cambresis in 1559 would emphasise on the link between Elizabethan religious settlement and England’s international affair. Even though, this would result in the loss of Calais, the borders neighbouring Scotland would be soothed and English settlement could be spread more quickly. In addition, retaining hope in Philip II to potentially marry Elizabeth in the nearer future would enable Philip II to make sure the Pope did not take any action against Elizabeth. Although, she does eventually get excommunicated, this is much later on in the reign where Philip II’s hopes have dried up. After international affairs were gradually settled through the peace treaty, it was her personal preference that played a key role in the religious settlement. It is crystal clear that Elizabeth desired a Protestant settlement but not a radical one. She rejected papal authority unsurprisingly and also denied the concept of transubstantiation, which caused tremors amongst the more conservatives of Elizabeth’s reign. Even with clear motives of Protestant settlement, she was still keen on sustaining certain traditional and conservative aspects of the Church. She was very fond of Catholic ornaments in the Royal Chapel and had Catholic musicians and choir in her presence. Even though she rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation, she still partially accepted the concept that there was some sort of presence in the communion bread and wine, which was a common though amongst Lutherans. Such personal preference were reflected directly in her proposal to Parliament as she wanted to reintroduce the 1552 Book of Common Prayer and break away from papal authority. However, the House of Lords did not allow the bill to be passed, which is why Elizabeth and her ministers had to take a different approach to religious settlement. Furthermore, Elizabeth’s counsel could be considered another large body to have influenced religious settlement. She had appointed members who had previously served Edward VI, which would imply an already-Protestant mindset. It is acknowledged that there were many members of her Privy Council who were strong Catholics for international affairs of not having Catholic states turn against England. However, as her appointment of Francis Knollys, earl of Bedford, and William Cecil, she was still keen on having the fundamental protestant foundation even within her councilors. For instance, William Cecil and Nicholas Bacon were key members of the Privy Council who were able to advise and guide the Queen before and during initial rejections and failures of passing the Bill. Such failures including Winchester and Shrewsbury voting against the Bill still emphasise the influence the members had on Elizabeth’s decision and the Bill itself. The last large consideration that influenced religious settlement was the Parliament itself. It had rejected the first bill proposed by Elizabeth until they made amendments for the final settlement. Elizabeth tried to discredit and Marian bishops before the amended bills were to be re-proposed to Parliament. Although Elizabeth was indeed able to hinder the Catholic bishop, there were key amendements made in the bill. For instance, Elizabeth was given the title â€Å"Supreme Governor† not â€Å"Supreme Head†. It is unclear whether or not this change in title name was for conservative reasons or to calm political stirs of a woman naming herself superior to laymen. However, it still ensured her to have as much authority as Henry VIII or her brother. Amendements in the Uniformity Bill targeted the concept of transubstantiation as people were not in favour of the complete denial and rejection of this doctrine. Therefore, priests modified the words used in the Uniformity Bill to create deliberate ambiguity. This would allow diverse interpretations to be made by peers allowing less opposition. Last, the â€Å"Ornaments Rubric† allowed traditional vestments and ornaments to be sustained in Church. It can be argued that the Catholics Bishops in the House of Lords had finally been given the upper hand; however, it must also be taken into consideration that this could simply have been part of Elizabeth’s personal preference as she was keen on keeping traditional ornaments in her Royal Chapel. In conclusion, the framing of the religious settlement of 1559 was based on numerous factors. The main influence on the settlement was her personal religious preferences such as the traditional ornaments and a not-so-radical Protestant movement. The international dilemma she was stuck in had indeed hindered her progress of Protestant settlement. However, as this tribulation cleared up, her council members could help her construct her bill to be passed. However, the Parliament’s involvement or influence must also be considered largely as it rejected the first Bill and allowed important amendments to be made.

Friday, November 15, 2019

The Healing Wound :: Vietnam Veterans War Memorial Essays

The Healing Wound It’s a beautiful morning at our nation’s capital. Constitution Gardens is blooming with life. Flowers of red, yellow, and pink bob their heads in the gentle summer breeze. Wise old trees proudly oversee the grassy lawns, while twittering birds scamper about on their strong, sturdy limbs. People talk animatedly as they stroll in small groups along the brown, dusty paths. Children run and jump, stopping occasionally to make quick poses for parents’ snapping cameras. As we walk ahead, we notice a shape taking form on the horizon. It looks like a large gray splinter embedded into the green landscape. As we come closer, we realize how truly large this object is, yet it does not rise up from the earth like other structures in the park. Rather, it sinks down into the lawn, as if its very size were a giant weight upon the land. Now that we are upon it, it looks far more like a gaping black wound than a silver sliver. Its opening begins narrowly and then widens in the middle, tapering off again at the other end. It is very dark, and now that we are close enough to touch it, we see that it is solid and black and hard and dense. The park breezes die here. Adults cease their prattle. Children stop their play. Eerily, even the chatter of birds doesn’t reach this solemn place. All senses tell us that we have entered a sacred site--a place meant for reflection and contemplation. We are at the Vietnam War Memorial. The tip of the gash points to President Lincoln sitting high above and looking out upon us all. In contrast to the giant statue of pristine white, the wall that rises by my foot is so dark that it reflects the ground in which it is burrowed. There are letters inscribed on the wall. They form names. I read: FLOYD LEE WILLIAMS JR. I wonder about Floyd. To most people who come here, his is merely one out of a myriad of names scratched into this cool granite wall. Does anyone know that Floyd was from Northglenn, Colorado, or that he was only 20 years old when he died? How can the thousands of people who see his name here know that he was in Vietnam for only 12 short days? His helicopter was shot down. His life was important, yet his death is only the tip of a great iceberg that chills the hearts of Americans everywhere. There are over 58,000 more names like his listed on these cold slabs. The sleek and stark feel of the memorial is enhanced by the The Healing Wound :: Vietnam Veterans War Memorial Essays The Healing Wound It’s a beautiful morning at our nation’s capital. Constitution Gardens is blooming with life. Flowers of red, yellow, and pink bob their heads in the gentle summer breeze. Wise old trees proudly oversee the grassy lawns, while twittering birds scamper about on their strong, sturdy limbs. People talk animatedly as they stroll in small groups along the brown, dusty paths. Children run and jump, stopping occasionally to make quick poses for parents’ snapping cameras. As we walk ahead, we notice a shape taking form on the horizon. It looks like a large gray splinter embedded into the green landscape. As we come closer, we realize how truly large this object is, yet it does not rise up from the earth like other structures in the park. Rather, it sinks down into the lawn, as if its very size were a giant weight upon the land. Now that we are upon it, it looks far more like a gaping black wound than a silver sliver. Its opening begins narrowly and then widens in the middle, tapering off again at the other end. It is very dark, and now that we are close enough to touch it, we see that it is solid and black and hard and dense. The park breezes die here. Adults cease their prattle. Children stop their play. Eerily, even the chatter of birds doesn’t reach this solemn place. All senses tell us that we have entered a sacred site--a place meant for reflection and contemplation. We are at the Vietnam War Memorial. The tip of the gash points to President Lincoln sitting high above and looking out upon us all. In contrast to the giant statue of pristine white, the wall that rises by my foot is so dark that it reflects the ground in which it is burrowed. There are letters inscribed on the wall. They form names. I read: FLOYD LEE WILLIAMS JR. I wonder about Floyd. To most people who come here, his is merely one out of a myriad of names scratched into this cool granite wall. Does anyone know that Floyd was from Northglenn, Colorado, or that he was only 20 years old when he died? How can the thousands of people who see his name here know that he was in Vietnam for only 12 short days? His helicopter was shot down. His life was important, yet his death is only the tip of a great iceberg that chills the hearts of Americans everywhere. There are over 58,000 more names like his listed on these cold slabs. The sleek and stark feel of the memorial is enhanced by the

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

My Critical Response to Secret History by: Leonora Sansay Essay

The novel â€Å"Secret History† by Leonora Sansay for readers it is a little complicated. It is mainly talking about a young lady that travels a lot with her sister. Her sister and her husband got divorced and she started writing some stories in the form of letters. The novel â€Å"Secret History† is showing us how bad the way of treatment was in Europe and the marriage at this time was a hard issue. The women were treated badly and people had a lot of problems because they used to get in a relationship and it was not allowed at this time, so this created more problems. Sansay in the novel is showing us on her writing the various sides of gender and marriages in a very nice way of writing. Sansay has her own way of writing that you see a little bit complicated but when you read till the end she gives readers the conclusion behind what she writes. In â€Å"Secret History† Sansay is showing us her personal experiences that she had with Mary and Clara her sister. She had a lot of problems with her husband and she has been always gloomy and unhappy. Mary writes letters to Burr and she is explaining about how her sister’s husband is bad with her and he treated her in a horrible way. She also wrote about the Haitian culture and how they live under the colonial law and their regulations. They had ethnic and culture problems and they faced a lot of fighting and brutality with the Haitian’s, but the female was so strong together. Sansay does not seem to like the British in this novel and she said that they are thieves and they robbed them unlike the Americans. In the horrors of St. Domingo, Sansay also showed us how the female under the Haitian revolution were oppressed especially when it comes to marriage. They had a lot of brutality at this time and there were always problems with the military and the people who lived there. The relationship with men and women were very complicated and it has to be under colonial powers. In some of Mary’s letters she said that by participating in the balls, this changed Clara’s condition and made her feel better, because she was depressed because of her marriage. The balls seem to be good for female and male to get to know each other more and break that oppression that females have under the colonial powers. In the novel, readers find out that the French people think that will only how they will look it will make certain of their triumph and they would win women’s hearts, and also conquering the Haitian powers. Clara also in having a relationship with Rochambeau and this shows how female/ male used to deal with each other at the time of the Haitian revolution and that Rochambeau is taking advantage of Clara at war time so that he can stop her from departing the island. This is an example of how women were abused under the Haitian rule and they were an example of its outcomes. Rochambeau always wants to overpower and defeat Clara, whenever she introduces herself as the wife of the French colonial, and this shows an example of the married people relations with each other. Mary and Clara decided to go to Cuba, they were always introduced to other women that have a lot of problems with their husbands and they were all looking for their freedom. At the end of the novel, readers see the difference of how the women used to be and how they started to have their freedoms back. There was no more danger and threatening from the black women to white women. â€Å"Secret History† is a great example of violence, and the difference between the time of the Haitian revolution and the time after it.

Sunday, November 10, 2019

Family Planning Essay

In the past 50 years, family-planning programs have been heavily promoted across the developing world. A vast academic literature now tests both the intellectual rationale for these programs, as well as their impact on a wide range of demographic and economic outcomes. In recent years, the availability of new methods and new datasets from the developing world has intensified the academic research on these issues even though the support for family-programs themselves has diminished. This paper examines the economic and demographic literature on family planning programs and summarizes evidence of their impact on fertility as well as additional outcomes such as child mortality, investments in children’s human capital, the economic status of households and the macro-impacts on communities. The goal is to provide policy-makers with an understanding of the strengths, limitations and points of agreement that emerge from this vast literature. PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT 1. Introduction In the past 50 years, family planning (FP) programs have been heavily promoted across the developing world as a means to reduce fertility rates and promote economic development. The central assumption behind such programs is that the decline in birth rates during the early stages of demographic transition can promote economic growth, reduce environmental pressures, reduce dependency ratios and strengthen a societies’ ability to invest in health and education (Coale, Hoover, and Press 1958). At the micro-level, it has been assumed that a decline in fertility would relieve women of the burden of repeated child-bearing and free up opportunities for them to increase schooling and participate in the labor-force. A significant literature – shaped by economists and demographers – now tests these assumptions (Kelley and McGreevey 1994; Kelley 1995). Much of the literature however, remains either theoretical or focused on macro-correlations between variables such as fertility or population growth and indicators of development such as GDP growth or female education. The causal impact of declining fertility and/or the impacts of FP programs on fertility have proved to be difficult to find. One of the main challenges faced by researchers is that fertility decline is affected by a wide range of variables, including socioeconomic variables such as income, education (particularly female education) and female employment. Changes in these variables can affect the demand for FP, the structure of the programs, and their ultimate impact. There is also the issue of policy itself. FP programs are rarely rolled out randomly. Placement of programs in areas with distinct characteristics made it di fficult to identify the precise policy driver of any observed change in behavior. In recent years, the research has been enriched by the availability of new methods and new datasets from the developing world. This includes cross-sectional surveys such as the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), panel datasets such as the Family Life Surveys, and the use of random assignment evaluation methods that study causal relationships under careful scientific experimental structures. This paper examines this literature and summarizes evidence of the impact of FP programs on fertility as well as additional outcomes such as child mortality, investments in children’s human capital, the economic status of households and the macro-impacts on communities. We define an FP program as any organized effort to encourage couples to limit their family size, and space their births by using contraceptive information and services. This includes legislative, regulatory, and programmatic efforts to supply contraceptives to a population as well as efforts to reduce the demand for children and/or increase the demand for contraception through information and/or social marketing campaigns. The paper is organized as follows: Section 2 provides a brief history of FP programs in the post WWII era and argues that FP programs have declined in priority after the ICPD conference in Cairo in  1994. Sections 3 and 4 provide an overview of two strands of the literature on FP programs: non-experimental studies that use cross-sectional or panel data to evaluate large-scale FP programs in states, countries or regions; and experimental studies that analyze random or pseudo-random pilot projects. Section 5 examines the literature on the cost-effectiveness of FP programs. Section 6 provides some perspectives that are likely to interest policy-makers. PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT 2. Family planning programs: A short history Family planning (FP) programs emerged after World War II. The world’s first major program was established in India in 1951 and was soon after followed by Pakistan, the Republic of Korea, and China. By 1975, about 74 developing countries had established them (Seltzer 2002; Cleland et al. 2006). Most programs fall into three general groups: (a) those that specifically aimed to curtail population growth through explicit policies such as promoting contraception and/or establishing incentives to have fewer children; (b) those that did not aim to curtail population growth, but promoted FP for other purposes; and (c) those with no explicit population policies but allowed outside donors to run programs that were mostly small in scale (Nortman and Hofstatter 1980; Nortman 1985). The first group was dominated by Asian countries, mainly East Asia and some South Asian countries (Mauldin, Berelson, and Sykes 1978; Lapham and Mauldin 1985; Mauldin and Ross 1991)1. In China and Vietnam for e xample, the governments formally announced in the early 1960s that couples should have no more than two or three children and began a wide-range of interventions that either directly or indirectly contributed towards this goal. Many governments provided citizens with incentives to meet these targets. In China, couples with more than two children (or one child in some parts of China) were subjected to fines and penalties, though the enforcement of this program varies significantly (Short and Fengying 1998; Attane 2002). Permanent methods of contraception (mainly sterilization) were often provided for free.2 In Korea, Indonesia and Thailand, FP programs focused heavily on the expansion of usage of IUDs and other temporary methods in addition to permanent  methods. In South Asia, the programs were less strong than in East Asia but large in scope. India for example, established a vast network of clinics that were to provide contraceptive services. In the 1960s, this was followed by a public health–based outreach program which emphasized education and awareness particularly in rural areas (Harkavy and Roy 1997). A common feature of almost all programs in this group was that they were generally led, funded and managed by domestic governments, and involved a broad range of mini stries and mass organizations that focus on educating, promoting, and encouraging couples to use FP methods. Another common feature of programs in this group is that they were typically one component of broader development policies that aimed to increase access to health-care, education and industrialization. These authors have developed quantitative measures of family planning program strength, or â€Å"effort† that are based on the number and quality of institutions that are involved with family planning programs. The measures of effort came from the belief that strong family planning programs must possess some essential features: (a) It should offer a full range of contraceptive methods and deliver them through several delivery systems, particularly in rural areas; (b) It should have a corps of full-time fieldworkers and educated the public about contraception; (c) Prominent leaders should issue frequent statements favoring the use of contraceptives; (d) The program should have a full-time director, placed well up in the government structure, and various ministries and private agencies should provide technical, logistical and financial assistance. More will be said about these criteria, and the studies that support them later in this paper. In Vietnam, Bryant (1998: 246) writes that right before fertility declined, thousands of health workers were given basic training and sent to villages to promote use of mosquito nets, distribute locally made drugs, deliver babies, administer vaccinations, and carry out other standard primary health care functions. PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT The second group of countries was dominated by Latin America.3 Until about 1960, governments in this region remained strongly pro-natalist in their ideals (Mundigo 1996). This changed due to a concern about the high incidence of unsafe abortions in the mid-1960s. Abortions performed in unsanitary conditions by unqualified personnel were believed to contribute to maternal mortality and also resulted in large public expenditures as women with abortion-related complications sought care en masse from public hospitals (Mundigo 1996). To minimize disagreement with the Catholic Church however, FP programs in Latin America began as small private initiatives that were largely funded by international donors and NGOs. In most countries, particularly Brazil and Peru, these programs were ultimately incorporated into national public health programs. By the 1980s, countries in this group generally had broader goals than simply reducing fertility and/or the practice of unsafe abortion. They generall y aimed at improving maternal and child health through greater birth spacing, access to pre- and post-natal care. Some Asian programs also fall into this category. Bangladesh is particularly noteworthy. Its national program, launched in 1976, aimed to provide women with a wide a range of contraceptive methods through home-visits by a network of locally recruited female-health care workers. Sterilization was included in the package of options and in the first few years of the program, compensation was offered to those who chose the procedure (Cleland and Mauldin 1991). Yet the program remained largely voluntary and focused on maternal and child-health more broadly. A similar effort is seen in Iran, which launched its program in 1989. Free contraceptives were distributed through a network of village health workers, who also advised women on a broad range of maternal and child health issues. The third group of countries was almost entirely dominated by Sub-Saharan Africa. Some countries did establish programs early on. Kenya and Ghana for example, established FP programs in the late 1960s. Tanzania established a FP program in 1970. Senegal established an urban FP program in 1976 and a rural program in 1979. Much of Francophone Africa however, remained largely untouched by the wave of interest in FP programs throughout this period. A 1920 French law that banned advertising and distribution of contraceptives  continued to prevail. Across most of Africa, issues of population growth remained sensitive and highly politicized throughout the post-war period. Nigeria for example, adopted a national population council to study the issue of population growth but did not adopt any national policies to lower fertility (Caldwell and Caldwell, 1983). This was at least in part because census data that formed the basis of such decisions was regarded as too controversial. The results of the 1962 and 1973 census were actually nullified due to dispute and controversy over accuracy of the size of minority groups. Even when they were adopted, African FP programs differed significantly from their counterparts in other countries in several key ways. First, the focus was almost entirely on temporary methods, since permanent methods were regarded as culturally unacceptable (J. C Caldwell and P. Caldwell 1987; J. C Caldwell and P. Caldwell 1988). The establishment of robust supply chains for temporary contraceptives Only five Latin American countries fell in the first group – Mexico, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador and Guatemala. Mexico is the largest among these. In 1974, access to family planning was declared as a constitutional right for all couples. In 1977, a national coordinating body was establish to expand the supply of contraception and a demographic target of population growth of no more than 2.5 percent per year by 1982 was declared. A wide variety of methods, including oral contraceptives as well as permanent sterilizations, were offered and the contraceptive prevalence rate doubled within a span of less than five years (Rodriguez-Barocio et al., 1980). PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT however, proved to be very challenging in the African context. The health-care infrastructure in this region was weak and burdened with a high demand for curative services. Moreover, most rural women resided far away from clinics or health centers (Caldwell and Caldwell 1992). Stringent eligibility criteria also made it difficult to reach women. In many cases, a woman’s access to contraception required the written consent of husband,  proof of marital status or age, blood tests (for oral contraceptives), frequent follow-up visits, and non-evidence based requirements that she be menstruating at the time that she starts using certain methods such as IUDs or hormone-based systems (Campbell et al., 1996). Cultural preferences for high fertility often made women unwilling to be seen attending these clinics. Moreover, since consumers did not receive adequate information about contraceptives, side-effects were often misinterpreted and rumors were propagated. These factors combined to cause discouragement and discontinuation in the long-run (Campbell et al., 1996). Across Asia and Latin America, the spread of primary healthcare services, rapid increases in female schooling, the processes of socio-economic development and the use of marketing campaigns to promote awareness of FP programs may have alleviated some of these problems. A second distinctive feature of African programs is that they were supported by a large number of international donors who rarely coordinated their actions with national governments or even between themselves. Since the weakness of domestic health infrastructure ruled out the establishment of â€Å"vertical† programs that packaged FP with primary health services, donors preferred to fund standalone programs that they could establish, manage and monitor themselves (Seltzer, 2002; Robinson and Ross, 2007; Mayhew, Walt, Lush and Cleland, 2005). The programs thus often remained small-scale. The goals used to evaluate the programs were often short-term in keeping with the demands of short budgetcycles. This approach stands in stark contrast to Asian and Latin American programs that were typically run by Ministries of Health and were backed by long-term budget commitments. Donor retreat International interest in FP programs lost momentum in the early 1980s. The intellectual shift behind this is often referred to as â€Å"revisionist thinking† and refers to a retreat from Malthusian fears about the crippling effect of population growth on economic growth as well as the concern with the adequacy of supplies of food and natural resources (Kelley 1995; Kelley 2001). A wide range of factors fueled revisionist thought: the rapid pace of fertility decline in Asia, the success of the green revolution, the lack of convincing academic evidence for a negative relationship between population growth and economic growth, etc. Economists emphasized that the long-run impact of population growth in economic development may not necessarily be negative. On the contrary, investments in human capital and innovation in growing populations can even have positive effects on growth and development outcomes (Simon and Lincoln 1977; Boserup 1981). Critics of FP programs used this literature to make the case that many FP programs in the developing world had been conceptualized and implemented with a false sense of urgency after World War II, without sufficient internal debate, deliberation and consensus (Kelley 1995; Kelley 2001). Revisionist intellectual thought was also reinforced by the voices of NGOs in international policy. These groups highlighted examples of FP programs that had not gone well in parts of China, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Peru, etc (for a summary, see Seltzer, 2002: 62—70). In India for example, the controversial PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT HITTS model (Health Department operated, incentive-based, target-oriented, time-bound, and sterilization-focused) was so unpopular that it contributed to the collapse of the Indian government in 1977 and prompted India to launch a significant critique of FP programs in international policy circles (Harkavay and Roy, 2007).4 Feminists argued that women in particular, paid a high price for population policies, for they had often been viewed as passive â€Å"targets† who needed to become â€Å"acceptors† of contraception (Dixon-Mueller, 1993). They demanded that policies recognize women as key agents in the process of reproduction and must empower them – through education, information and access to health services (that include but are not limited to FP) – to have establish control over their bodies. The impact of the rights-based approach was visible at the Vienna Conference on Human Rights in 1993 where there was an explicit recognition of the importance of reproductive rights and the need for national and international development policies to be built around these rights. The biggest shift however, occurred in Cairo at the International Conference on Population and Development in 1994. The definition of reproductive rights was took center-stage and included not only issues of reproductive decision-making,  but sexual health and female empowerment more generally.6 Delegates explicitly called for dropping demographic and FP program targets in favor of a broader policy agenda that included a range of reproductive and sexual health measures. FP thus became embedded into a broader set of policy-goals. In the words of the UNFPA, â€Å"[The ICPD Programme of Action] places human rights and well-being explicitly at the centre of all population and sustainable development activities. The Programme of Action moves discussion beyond population numbers and demographic targets: its premise is that development objectives — including early stabilization of population growth — can be achieved only by basing policies and programmes on the human rights, the needs and aspirations of individual women and men. Human-centred development -in the sense of investing in people generally, and particularly in health, education and building equity and equality between the sexes — is seen as a firm basis for sustained economic growth and sustainable development (UNFPA, 1995:9).† The representatives of 179 governments agreed on the need to ensure universal access to reproductive health services by the year 2015. These governments also agreed to increase spending on population According to Harkavy and Roy (2007), the government’s Department of Family Planning estimated that more than 20 million births were averted between 1956 and 1975. Calculations based on the number of births averted concluded that the annual birthrate fell from about 42 live births per 1,000 population in 1960–61 to about 38 in 1970–71 and about 35 in 1974–75. The critique of FP programs also came from health advocates who argued that despite the strides made in the safety of technologies such as oral pills and injectibles, safety issues remain. They did not agree that the benefits of choice outweighed the risks and argued that contraceptive safety needed greater attention (Seltzer, 2002). Other health advocates argued that FP had absorbed far too much policy attention and development assistance, neglecting other critically important issues. This includes the right not to be alienated from their sexual or reproductive capacity and bodily integrity through coerced sex or marriage, denial of access to birth control, sterilization without informed consent, freedom from unsafe contraceptive methods, from unwanted pregnancies or coerced child bearing, from unwanted medical attention. PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT  and related programs. The needed resources were estimated at $17 billion a year by 2000, climbing to nearly $22 billion by 2015.7 This agenda was however met with resistance by several groups. First, there were those who challenged the coupling of a gender ideology with issues of reproductive health. In Jordan for examples, elites felt that the proposals regarding reproductive health were acceptable, but proposals that aimed to reduce gender-based violence, deliver sex-education to adolescents, spread information about STIs and the promote gender equality conflicted with existing cultural norms and could not be implemented quickly (Luke and Watkins, 2002; Seltzer, 2002). A second challenge to the Cairo agenda came from religious groups felt that the expanded definitions of reproductive health and reproductive choice tacitly included abortion and more controversial methods of fertility reduction. Even though the Cairo agenda was carefully worded to not support abortion in any circumstances, many people believed that the two issues were too deeply related to be separated in practice (Seltzer, 2002).8 In 2001, with support from the Vatican, the United States publicly opposed abortion, once again implemented the â€Å"gag rule† and thereby withdrew association with all organizations that offer women abortion services as a part of their general effort to expand reproductive choices for women.9,10 A final challenge came from the sheer breadth and language of the agenda itself. Some have argued that the focus on sexual health and reproductive rights was so broad that it simply failed to gain traction in parliaments  and chambers of government across the developed world (Glasier et al. 2006; Fathalla et al. 2006). While Cairo advocates emphasized the importance of rights, donors were most interested in arguments that demonstrate a clear economic return on investment (Fathalla et al. 2006). The loss of focus also led to a fragmentation of academic and policy research. Many turned their attention to new competing priorities, such as HIV (Glasier et al. 2006; Fathalla et al. 2006, Blanc and Tsui, 2005). A visible sign of just how divisive the Cairo agenda was comes from the UN’s Millennium Development Goals, agreed to by nearly all nations in 2000. The only goals that were related to reproductive health were the reductions in maternal and child mortality. Reproductive choices and reproductive rights were completely sidelined. In fact, the Cairo goal of universal access to reproductive health services was possibly the only goal that had been agreed to through a series of global conferences that did not make the final list of eight Millennium Development Goals (United Nations, 2000). In 2007, these goals were modified to include â€Å"universal access to reproductive health† by 2015. Progress was to be measured by  www.unfpa.org The Program of Action stated that â€Å"in no case should abortion be promoted as a method of family planning,† and elsewhere that â€Å"in [such] circumstances in which abortion is not against the law, such abortion should be [made] safe.† This was intended to be a compromise between those who opposed abortion on all grounds and those governments and NGOs who permitted abortion in varying degrees. 9 This was one of President George W. Bush’s first acts in office in January, 2001. 10 A cap of $15 million was placed for foreign NGOs and multilateral organizations who could not certify that they will not support any abortion-related activities, even if they use their own funds for these activities four indicators: the contraceptive prevalence rate, the adolescent birth rate, antenatal care coverage, and the unmet need for FP (United Nations 2007; UNFPA 2011)  Another sign of the damage from Cairo is seen in the international HIV policies. In the late 1990s, policymakers in the United States and indeed much of the world, were compelled to focus on the challenge of HIV. Rather than building services into FP programs however, donors chose to establish entirely new programs. One of the biggest examples is the establishment of President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) under US President George W. Bush in 2003. This was one of the largest efforts in history to address the challenge of one disease. The only relationship between this program and FP was i ts attempt to encourage abstinence as a form of prevention of HIV.11 Some have argued that the focus on HIV and AIDS simply replaced the Cairo agenda, when they should have in fact simply reinforced and complemented it (Blanc and A. O Tsui 2005). In summary, the global interest in FP programs has swung from extreme interest after World War II to disinterest at the turn of the century. The weakness of such programs is most pronounced in SubSaharan Africa. The rate of contraceptive prevalence remains only 26%, less than half of the world average, despite significant investments in treating sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV (WDI 2010). At the current time however, there appears to be a renewed interest in the role of FP, particularly in approaches that are broad-based, female-focused, voluntary and respectful of basic human rights. In the section ahead, we review the literature on the effectiveness and impact of FP programs with the goal of demonstrating that such programs can have impact on not just fertility but a variety of other aspects of women’s well-being. 3. What do we know about the impact of FP programs? Perspectives from the non-experimental approach FP programs in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s were mostly established in the  absence of scientific evidence or agreement about program â€Å"best-practices†. This is mainly because detailed time-series data on economic as well as demographic variables was scarce at both the micro- and macro-level. Over time however, data was gathered and researchers began to test some of the fundamental assumptions underlying FP programs. The first wave of studies used a non-experimental approach, i.e. they evaluated the impact of FP programs involving using cross-sectional or panel data from a country, region, or set of regions to test the hypothesis that FP programs impacted contraceptive use or fertility. As more data became available, and FP programs were rolled out, these studies were updated and expanded. The research continues to evolve today, even though the interest in FP programs has declined among policy-makers. Most of the research in this area faces two key challenges. The first is the challenge of measurement. Given that FP programs are heterogeneous in goals, quality of services, delivery systems and implementation strategies, researchers must construct a measure of program strength and not rely 11 The following conditions were imposed in the United States Leadership against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003: 20% of funds were to be spent on prevention, 15% to be spent on palliative care, and starting in 2006, at least 55% were to be spent on treatment, at least 10% be spent on orphans and vulnerable children, and at least 33% of appropriated prevention funds be spent on abstinence-until-marriage programs. REFERENCES Amin, S. 1995. Socioeconomic change and the demand for children in rural Bangladesh. Population Council, Research Division. Angeles, G., Jason Dietrich, David Guilkey, Dominic Mancini, Thomas Mroz, Amy Tsui, and Feng Yu Zhang. 2001. A Meta-analysis of the Impact of Family Planning Programs on Fertility Preferences, Contraceptive Method Choice and Fertility. Measure Evaluation Project. Carolina Population Center. Attane, I. 2002. China’s family planning policy: An overview of its past and future. Studies in Family Planning 33, no. 1: 103–113. Bauman, K. E. 1997. The effectiveness of family planning programs evaluated with true experimental designs. American journal of public health 87, no. 4: 666. Becker, G. S, and H. G Lewis. 1973. On the Interaction between the Quantity and Quality of Children. The Journal of Political Economy 81, no. 2: 279–288. Bertrand, J. T, M. E McBride, N. Mangani, N. C Baughman, and M. Kinuani. 1993. Community-based distribution of contraceptives in Zaire. International Family Planning Perspectives: 84–91. Binka, F. N, A. Nazzar, and J. F Phillips. 1995. The Navrongo community health and family planning project. Studies in Family Planning 26, no. 3: 121–139. Birdsall, N., and D. T Jamison. 1983. Income and other factors influencing fertility in China. Population and Development Review 9, no. 4: 651–675. Blanc, A. K, and A. O Tsui. 2005. The dilemma of past success: Insiders’ views on the future of the international family planning movement. Studies in Family Planning 36, no. 4: 263–276. Bongaarts, J. 1987. Does family planning reduce infant mortality rates? Population and Development Review 13, no. 2: 323–334. ———. 1994. The impact of population policies: Comment. Population and Development Review 20, no. 3: 616–620. Bongaarts, J., T. Bà ¼ttner, G. Heilig, and F. Pelletier. 2008. Has the HIV epidemic peaked? Population and Development Review 34, no. 2: 199–224. Bongaarts, J., and S. Greenhalgh. 1985. An alternative to the one-child policy in China. Population and Development Review 11, no. 4: 585–617. Bongaarts, J., W. P Mauldin, and J. F Phillips. 1990. The demographic impact of family planning programs. Studies in Family Planning 21, no. 6: 299–310. Boserup, E. 1981. Population and technological change: A study of long-term trends. University of Chicago Press. Caldwell, J. C, and P. Caldwell. 1987. The cultural context of high fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. Population and development review 13, no. 3: 409–437. ———. 1988. Is the Asian family planning program model suited to Africa? Studies in Family Planning 19, no. 1: 19–28. Caldwell, J. C, Barkat-e Khuda, Bruce Caldwell, Indrani Pieris, and Pat Caldwell. 1999. The Bangladesh fertility decline: an interpretation. Population and Development Review 25, no. 1: 67–84. Chowdhury, M. E, R. Botlero, M. Koblinsky, S. K Saha, G. Dieltiens, and C. Ronsmans. 2007. Determinants of reduction in maternal

Friday, November 8, 2019

Library Scavenger Hunt Example

Library Scavenger Hunt Example Library Scavenger Hunt – Coursework Example Library Scavenger Hunt Reliable Research versus Opinion Reliable research refers to a process of research that involves facts and figures for developing an understanding towards a particular issue. This refers to well interpreted development of factors that are associated with the needs of managing the diverse attributes that supports decision making. On the other hand, opinion refers to providing response towards a specific attribute even without developing any particular research on the underlined factors (Soule, Whiteley & McIntosh, 2007). Evaluate If Research Has a Solid Foundation and Is TrustworthyThe evaluation of different attributes and aspects must be researched for developing overall needs of the research and enhance the reliability of the problems. In this regard it is evident that the overall needs could be identifiable for enhancing the diverse attributes and meet the trustworthiness of research in terms of available evidences (Soule et al., 2007). Practices Needed To A djusted While Writing in Word It is evident that every scholarly article writer has a motive to develop a diverse genre that is identifiable among the masses. This helps the scholarly article writers to develop the prominence within complicated domain and enhance effectiveness. While writing in printed word one must make sure that the words they use are unique and do not replicate the work that has been conducted by others. This must be noted that the work they plan to provide the readers is more creative and developed. The chances of typographical error should be less and must be focused on developing the prominence of the views (Soule et al., 2007).Scholarly Journals The three scholarly journal that has been selected in the specific filed of my study i.e. Education Technology are as follows:Reeves, T. C., Herrington, J., & Oliver, R. (2005). Design research: A socially responsible approach to instructional technology research in higher education. Journal of Computing in Higher Edu cation, 16(2), 97-116.The paper is one of the scholarly journals that has been reviewed by some of the scholarly practitioners and was sponsored by Springer which is one of the most renowned publishers who are responsible for publishing peer reviewed journals.Herschbach, D. R. (1995). Technology as knowledge: Implications for instruction. Journal of Technology Education, 7(1), 31-42.The journal is a peer reviewed journal that is published by one of the renowned publishers who are into publishing scholarly journals. The rich source of the paper provides a detailed insight towards the different approaches that are associated with Virginia Tech that is related with the leading universities of the globe.Luppicini, R. (2005). A systems definition of educational technology in society. Educational Technology & Society, 8 (3), 103-109.The Educational Technology & Society is an official site that has a wide array of peer reviewed journals and sponsors the people who are into the writing and publishing of the peer reviewed journals. It can be further noted that the paper reflects creative approaches and provides a detailed understanding of the issue that is prominent within the social domain. ReferencesHerschbach, D. R. (1995). Technology as knowledge: Implications for instruction. Journal of Technology Education, 7(1), 31-42.Luppicini, R. (2005). A systems definition of educational technology in society. Educational Technology & Society, 8 (3), 103-109.Reeves, T. C., Herrington, J., & Oliver, R. (2005). Design research: A socially responsible approach to instructional technology research in higher education. Journal of Computing in Higher Education, 16(2), 97-116.Soule, D. P. J., Whiteley, L., & McIntosh, S. (2007). Writing for scholarly journals. eSharp, 1-51.

Tuesday, November 5, 2019

SCHIZOPHRENIA1 essays

SCHIZOPHRENIA1 essays Schizophrenia, from the Greek word meaning split mind, is a mental disorder that causes complete fragmentation in the processes of the mind. Contrary to common belief, schizophrenia does not refer to a person with a split personality or multiple personalities, but rather to a condition which affects the persons movement, language, and thinking skills. The question of whether schizophrenia is a disease or collection of socially learned actions is still a question in people mind. People who are suffering from schizophrenia think and act in their own the world and put themselves in a way that is totally different from the rest of society. In other words, they have lost in touch with the reality. Most schizophrenics accept the fact that they have this disorder and are willing to receive necessary treatment and listen to, if not follow, professional advice. However there are cases where patients have lost insight and do not acknowledge the fact that they suffer from a mental disorder. As a result, these people do not have the treatment normally patients with schizophrenia do. To observers, schizophrenia may seem like a disease or madness because people who have this disorder behave differently to the people that are considered normal. It impairs a person from doing work, going to school, taking care of his/herself or having a social relationship with others. Yet, by looking at some of the symptoms, it is sometimes hard to classify schizophrenia as a disease because it enables those inflicted with it to develop new ways of communication intellectually and creatively, as well as enhancing artistic abilities. A disease is usually some kind of sickness that will lead to death or under heavy medication. However, this is not the case. For now, there is no cure but only treatment to help people with schizophrenia to live more productive lives. Generally, schizophrenia carries enormous threats to ...

Sunday, November 3, 2019

EIP assignment shopaholic Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

EIP shopaholic - Assignment Example Contemporary culture manifests a shopaholic as a maniac whose behavior is irrational. The research seeks to find out whether a shopaholic is really an irrational character. This is possible through examining the factors that re responsible for the making of a shopaholic. Since this is a social issue, the research shall only deal with secondary data. This is because secondary data is highly likely to employ qualitative analysis in assessing such a phenomenon. This occurs because such an issue requires multiple perspectives in drawing a conclusion. Secondary data, in this sense, traverses articles and books assessing the issue in terms of sociological, economical, business, and psychological perspectives. Secondary data will seek to inform the audience whether excessive shopping is a natural behavior or whether the same is an irrational habit. In turn, the data analysis shall occur qualitatively. This book seeks to analyze the predispositions for shopping as well as provide solutions for the behavior. In this sense, the author examines compulsive buying as a problem rather than as a mere phenomenon. The author explains shopping mania as a habit that develops to cure a different psychological need rather arise to satisfy the actual need of shopping. The text, therefore, manifests over-shopping as a means of distracting oneself from dealing with an essential emotional need such as love. Alternatively, it could be a means of gaining the attention of others if the involved person feels that others do not care about one. Besides, over-shopping could be a product of low self-esteem if the victim engages in impulsive purchases to feel important about oneself (Benson 14). The book, therefore, recommends mindful shopping as a means of countering this problem. It highlights the essence of financial security as a means of leading an enjoyable life in the end. The book entails the philo sophical arguments of merging the

Friday, November 1, 2019

Global Economic Business a Substitute for Warfare Dissertation

Global Economic Business a Substitute for Warfare - Dissertation Example Why are you doing it? For this, a large number of literatures have been referred. It takes into account the nature and types, and reviews some of the leading theories of war and the manner in which they are related to the business corporation. It mainly focuses on the element of competition and all other aspects that are related to it. The main objective of the research report is to justify and analyse the statement – ‘Global Economic Business a Substitute for Warfare’. The research includes an extensive survey of literature with the purpose of finding relevant information that will provide a comprehensive understanding of the present scenario of business environment throughout the world. The report also includes the major findings of the research along with its proper analysis. In this report articles of renowned authors have been referred from various sources like online journals, books etc. Most of them have been authored by renowned authors across the globe. The articles relate the various aspects of war with modern day businesses. The simi larity has been shown so as to get a better understanding as to whether war is a substuotute for business.(You might discuss briefly the type/kinds of material you studied) Finally, the study also includes a primary research study and data analysis in the form of a questionnaire survey to determine find out whether economic business could be referred to as a substitute for warfare. The questionnaire survey would be analyzed using SPSS and correlation and regression analysis etc various analytical tools and software. The response generated from the survey would be evaluated to find out the respondents’ view regarding the topic of study. War has been in the memory of with human beings since time immemorial.